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Brandon joined Rasmussen Dickey Moore as an associate in November of 2018. His practice mainly focuses on insurance defense and toxic torts.

Prior to joining RDM, Brandon worked for defense firms in Madison County, Illinois and Evansville, Indiana representing individuals, small businesses, and major corporations in a variety of claims, including employment discrimination, personal injury/wrongful death, and contract disputes.

He also gained experience as an extern clerk for the Honorable Lloyd Karmeier, Chief Justice of the Illinois Supreme Court. In law school, Brandon was the editor-in-chief of his law journal and member of multiple moot court appellate advocacy teams.

The defense you need.

Brandon and the other associates at RDM work with their team of experienced, nationally recognized defense litigators to bring unmatched dedication and attention to detail to your case. Talk to Brandon today to see what RDM can do for you.


  • Southern Illinois University-Carbondale

    Juris Doctor, summa cum laude 2013

  • University of Evansville

    Bachelor of Science 2006


  • State of Illinois
  • State of Indiana
  • State of Kentucky
  • State of Missouri

& Awards

  • Extern Clerk, Hon. Lloyd Karmeier Illinois Supreme Court

RDM's Knowledge Blog Posts by Brandon Powell

The Johnson & Johnson verdict was delivered at the Civil Courts Building in Downtown St. Louis, MO. Photo by Tom Lampe.

Johnson & Johnson is looking to strike a blow to one of the more infamous verdicts in the City of St. Louis. While St. Louis has long had a reputation for plaintiff-friendly decisions, the largest verdict by far was $4.69 billion against Johnson & Johnson for 22 plaintiffs in July 2018.

In the summer of 2020, the verdict was upheld by the Missouri Court of Appeals. On November 3rd, 2020, the Missouri Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal from Johnson & Johnson and Johnson & Johnson Consumer, Inc. in Robert Ingham et al. v. Johnson & Johnson, et al. The courts let stand a state appellate decision which affirmed a $2.2 billion jury verdict against the consumer giant and for women who claimed their ovarian cancer was caused by use of Johnson & Johnson’s talcum powder products.

Johnson & Johnson called the trial verdict “fundamentally flawed” and “at odds with decades of independent scientific evaluations confirming [their products were] safe.” They vowed to appeal the verdict to the Supreme Court.

In March 2021, Johnson & Johnson filed a petition on three issues related to the verdict: whether consolidating 22 plaintiffs into a single case violated due process; whether the punitive damages award was unconstitutional in light of the actual compensatory award; and whether the trial court actually had personal jurisdiction in the case.

The particular issues raised by Johnson & Johnson highlight many of the concerns raised over the years with Plaintiff friendly procedures in St. Louis. Only five of the 22 plaintiffs resided in Missouri. Other than suing the same defendant for the same product, their cases had little in common. These practices have become commonplace in Missouri and are likely to continue without a ruling from the Supreme Court that would change the current litigation climate.

Continue reading Johnson & Johnson Appeals Landmark St. Louis Verdict to the U.S. Supreme Court
Insurers: don't issue claimants a blank check by opting out of defending your insured. Rasmussen Dickey Moore has extensive insurance law experience that can help you make the right decisions and lead you to the best outcomes.

On January 12th, 2021, the Missouri Court of Appeals affirmed a trial court ruling against Liberty Insurance Corporation, finding it liable for the $7.5 million remaining balance of a wrongful death judgment. The case provides important lessons for insurers on how to avoid being bound to substantial judgments against their insureds, even where viable policy exclusions exist.

Based upon the current state of Missouri law, insurers in the state will continue to face almost unlimited liability in claims where they choose not to immediately address coverage issues. 

How can an insurer avoid the pitfalls found in this case and other complex claims? Rasmussen Dickey Moore has extensive insurance law experience, providing analysis of coverage issues and counseling insurers in litigation matters. RDM represents multiple national insurance providers. RDM takes sophisticated, strategic, innovative, and detail-oriented approaches to each of our clients’ cases.

Continue reading Could Coverage Denials Give Plaintiffs a Blank Check?
A doctor examines a vial containing a vaccine.

Two COVID-19 vaccines have been submitted for approval to the Food and Drug Administration. While this is an important step towards bringing the pandemic under control, the vaccine’s efficacy is limited unless an overwhelming majority of the population is vaccinated.

Current polling suggests that only a slim majority of people would choose to receive the vaccine. So, if large numbers of people are unwilling to receive the vaccine, what’s next? Can the government make vaccination mandatory? Established case law demonstrates that it’s legally feasible, but whether lawmakers choose to pursue such legislation is an entirely different question in the current political atmosphere.

The Current State of COVID-19 Vaccines

As two apparently safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines rapidly make their way through the Food and Drug Administration’s approval process—the FDA has scheduled a meeting on December 10th, 2020 to consider Pfizer’s emergency use authorization request, and Moderna’s request will be considered a week later—certain Americans (health care workers, residents of long-term care facilities) will likely begin receiving their initial dose [1] of the vaccines before the end of 2020. Initial doses of the vaccines are expected to be available to the general public by the spring of 2021.

Though this is good news, data suggests that government and health officials have a long way to go in convincing the public that the vaccines are safe and effective. Polls indicate that only a slight majority of Americans are currently willing to take the vaccine once available. This is unsurprising given the political polarization around vaccines generally, and the government’s COVID-19 response specifically. The frenzied pace at which these vaccines were developed may also cause skepticism.

As additional information about the vaccines is released, including the clinical trial data, the number of people willing to receive the vaccine should increase. However, if the government is unable to convince enough citizens to take the vaccine, could it actually require vaccination?

Why It Matters: Herd Immunity

The goal of any mass inoculation is to create herd immunity within the population, not just immunity within the individual vaccine recipients. Herd immunity refers to the point at which a threshold number of individuals in a population are immunized from a disease, making further spread of the disease unlikely, even among those not yet immunized. In other words, herd immunity provides protection even to those who are unable to take the vaccine, including the immune-suppressed, those with religious or philosophical objections to vaccinations, and in the case of the COVID-19 vaccines, children.

Experts estimate that at least 70% of the population will need to be vaccinated before herd immunity can be achieved. Could this gap—between the number currently willing to take the vaccination and the 70% needed to reach herd immunity—be closed through a mandatory vaccination program?

Mandatory Vaccinations Under State Law

Mandatory vaccinations have a long history the United States. In 1905, the Supreme Court, in Jacobson v. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, upheld a state statute mandating smallpox vaccinations against a constitutional challenge. 197 U.S. 11 (1905). The defendant in that case, Henning Jacobson, was found guilty of refusing to take the vaccine and fined $5. Id. at 14. Jacobson appealed the conviction, arguing that the statute was unconstitutional under various grounds, but principally, that the law was “unreasonable, arbitrary, and oppressive, and, therefore, hostile to the inherent right of every freeman to care of his own body and health in such way as to him seems best.” Id. at 26.

The Supreme Court rejected Jacobson’s arguments, holding that the inherent authority of the state under its “police power” permitted it to enact laws to “protect the public health and public safety.” Id. at 25. Furthermore, the Court wrote, the liberty under the Constitution is not “absolute… wholly freed from restraint.” Id. at 26.  The Court explained:

Society based on the rule that each one is a law unto himself would soon be confronted with disorder and anarchy. Real liberty for all could not exist under the operation of a principle which recognizes the right of each individual person to use his own, whether in respect of his person or his property, regardless of the injury that may be done to others… The possession and enjoyment of all rights are subject to such reasonable conditions as may be deemed by the governing authority of the country essential to the safety, health, peace, good order, and morals of the community.


Unquestionably, Jacobson is “old law,” and it can rightfully be criticized for being overly broad in its language, but it remains good law. Page v. Cuomo, 2020 WL 4589329 (Dist. NY, August 11, 2020). Since the Supreme Court’s decision 115 years ago, “courts across the country have nearly uniformly relied upon Jacobson’s framework to analyze emergency public health measure put in place to curb” public health crises. Id. at 8; see also, Hickox v. Christie, 205 F. Supp.3d 579, 591 (D. N.J. 2016) (evaluating constitutional challenge to federal quarantine order asserted by a plaintiff returning to U.S. after treating Ebola patients abroad). Furthermore, all 50 states have legislation requiring vaccines in some form or another, usually mandating that students receive a vaccination (think measles, mumps, rubella) before attending school.

Mandatory Vaccinations Under Federal Law

While Jacobson supports a state’s authority to enact public safety laws, including mandatory vaccinations, the question of whether the federal government could impose similar requirements is more complex and unsettled. Unlike states, the federal government does not have inherent powers, such as the “police power.” Congress is limited to those grants of power found in the Constitution, and the Constitution provides no explicit authority for Congress to enact public health laws. 

Prior to 2012, Congress would likely have relied upon the Commerce Clause of the Constitution, Article 1, Section 8, Clause 3, which gives Congress the power “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states” and which had been broadly interpreted to give Congress the authority to regulate both interstate and intrastate commerce. At its broadest, the Commerce Clause permitted regulation of even non-economic activity, as long as the activity had a “substantial economic effect” on interstate commerce. See NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1 (1937).   

Recently, however, the conservative Supreme Court has interpreted the Commerce Clause more strictly, striking down laws that would have previously been permitted under the Commerce Clause. In the landmark National Federal of Independent Business v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519 (2012), better known as the first Obamacare decision, the Supreme Court held that Congress could not require that individuals purchase health insurance, at least under the Commerce Clause. Id. The Court reasoned that requiring the purchase of health insurance was not the regulation of commercial activity, but rather, the regulation of commercial inactivity, and, accordingly, was not permissible under the Commerce Clause. Id.

The Court, though, did find that Congress had the authority under its taxing power to tax individuals that failed to purchase health insurance pursuant to the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate, and it is this authority that would likely be relied upon if the federal government were to pursue a mandatory vaccination program. Under the current makeup of the Supreme Court, with Justice Amy Coney Barrett now replacing Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, it is unclear whether the Court in 2021 would come to the same conclusion as it did in 2012.

Mandating Vaccines in the Current Political Climate

Of course, none of this is to suggest that the either the federal government or state governments will absolutely institute mandatory vaccinations programs for the COVID-19 vaccines. Although the states almost certainly do, and the federal government may, have the authority to pass these types of public health laws from a legal perspective, they may be politically unviable.

So far, governing authorities have been hesitant to even mandate the wearing of masks for fear of political backlash. It is far more likely that the state and federal governments will exhaust all efforts to persuade citizens to voluntarily take the vaccine before passing laws perceived to be intrusive. However, if the government’s powers of persuasion are not effective in getting the vaccination rates high enough to reach herd immunity levels, more drastic measures could be taken.

[1] The vaccines of both Pfizer and Moderna require two doses, taken several weeks apart, to be effective.

The Missouri Supreme Court.

On November 3rd, 2020, the Missouri Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal from Johnson & Johnson and Johnson & Johnson Consumer, Inc. (“J&J”) in Robert Ingham et al. v. Johnson & Johnson, et al., letting stand a state appellate decision which affirmed a $2.2 billion jury verdict against the consumer giant and for women who claimed their ovarian cancer was caused by use of J&J’s talcum powder products.  The original jury verdict of $4.69 billion had been reduced by the appellate court upon finding that the Missouri trial court lacked personal jurisdiction over some of the non-resident plaintiffs’ claims in the suit.

J&J called the trial verdict “fundamentally flawed” and “at odds with decades of independent scientific evaluations confirming [their products were] safe…” They plan to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.

The original trial in Ingham, held in St. Louis, MO in 2018, was unique both because of its size and scope, and the plaintiff’s theory of the case. The claim, brought by 22 women, was based upon the plaintiffs’ use of J&J “Baby Powder” and other personal hygiene products containing the mineral talc.  In previous cases, plaintiffs had claimed that talcum powder was naturally carcinogenic, though in this landmark trial, the plaintiffs contended that J&J’s talcum powder products were actually contaminated with “asbestos fibers and other dangerous carcinogens,” and that J&J knew of their products’ contamination and failed to warn consumers of the dangers.

This argument has major implications for traditional defendants in asbestos litigation. At trial, Dr. William Longo, plaintiffs’ proffered expert, presented results of a simulation he conducted showing that as a result of the application of talcum powder, “dust” could be observed in the “breathing zone” of the product’s user. Another of plaintiffs’ experts, Dr. Jacqueline Moline, testified that asbestos could “travel throughout the bloodstream and the body, and can be found in every organ in the body…” Consequently, plaintiffs’ attorneys argued that their clients were exposed, and their ovarian cancers caused, by respiratory inhalation of asbestos fibers in the “dust,” in addition to internal absorption of the powder during application.

If the inhalation of asbestos fibers is a scientifically viable cause of ovarian cancer, as suggested by the plaintiffs’ attorneys in Ingham, then any manufacturer or distributor of asbestos or asbestos-containing products could theoretically see itself defending similar claims in the future. Of course, the latency period of ovarian cancer, which is unknown but estimated to be around 20 years, could limit the application of this theory to long-discontinued asbestos products.

J&J vehemently denied that its products were contaminated with asbestos fibers and they disagreed with the conclusions of plaintiffs’ experts. On appeal, J&J argued that Dr. Longo’s opinion “rested on insufficient facts and data, was not the product of reliable principles and methods, and did not reliably apply principles and methods to the facts,” and should have been inadmissible at trial. Although the Missouri appellate court held that the trial court did not abuse its discretion by admitting Longo’s testimony, this type of evidence is far from being universally accepted.

In early 2020, a federal court judge in New Jersey, presiding over the federal multidistrict litigation involving J&J’s talcum products’ link to ovarian cancer, limited the testimony of multiple expert witnesses, including Dr. Longo. Specifically, the court held that could not testify that women who used talcum powder were exposed to asbestos, as such an opinion was “unreliable.” Most importantly for other defendants, the court also held that Plaintiffs could not put before a jury their theory that inhalation of J&J talcum products can cause ovarian cancer, due to the insufficient evidence supporting the theory.

Rulings on these issues should continue to be monitored by any company alleged to have used asbestos or talcum powder in their products, services, or equipment.